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Global Society

@globalsociety

Global Society is a journal of international studies published by Taylor & Francis. Editors: Rubrick Biegon, Tom Casier, Hendrik Huelss, Julia Simon, Alexandre Christoyannopoulos, and Peter Marshall https://www.tandfonline.com/toc/cgsj20/current

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Sceptical of the ideational and non-regional terms ruling the post-1993 one-state/two-state (1S2S) exchange about the Palestine/Israel question, this article is in two parts. Part I demonstrates that no Israeli-Jewish constituency exists to support a viable two-state solution while concurrently arguing that the breath taking one-state vision—in the form of a secular-democratic or bi-national state—is equally unlikely to materialise. The sole empirical/material process taking place in the territory comprising mandatory Pales-tine is Israel’s one-state solution, i.e. the ceaseless consolidation of Israeli-Jewish domination over the entire territory. Part II posits that—contrary to the prevailing case—the study of the 1S2S conundrum cannot take place in a universe parallel to the broader study of regional dynamics. I argue that confrontation involving Israel, Iran and their Gazan/Lebanese/American allies/proxies is likely to pre-date/supersede any substantive consideration of a resolution in the territory conceptualised as a secluded island in 1S2Sscholarship. It is erroneous to dismiss the possibility that—as happened in 1948 and1967—an intense Israeli/Iranian regional confrontation can manufacture a Nakbaic con-juncture (resulting in fewer Arabs present in the already fully Israeli-controlled territory of Mandatory Palestine). Such a development could defer far enough the possibility for so-called real solutions to emerge—foremost those prescribed by liberal 1S2S scholars—and simultaneously advance the Israeli version of a one-state solution. It is hoped that colleagues will identify paths to arrive at the utter demolition of this article.

Sceptical of the ideational and non-regional terms ruling the post-1993 one-state/two-state (1S2S) exchange about the Palestine/Israel question, this article is in two parts. Part I demonstrates that no Israeli-Jewish constituency exists to support a viable two-state solution while concurrently arguing that the breath taking one-state vision—in the form of a secular-democratic or bi-national state—is equally unlikely to materialise. The sole empirical/material process taking place in the territory comprising mandatory Pales-tine is Israel’s one-state solution, i.e. the ceaseless consolidation of Israeli-Jewish domination over the entire territory. Part II posits that—contrary to the prevailing case—the study of the 1S2S conundrum cannot take place in a universe parallel to the broader study of regional dynamics. I argue that confrontation involving Israel, Iran and their Gazan/Lebanese/American allies/proxies is likely to pre-date/supersede any substantive consideration of a resolution in the territory conceptualised as a secluded island in 1S2Sscholarship. It is erroneous to dismiss the possibility that—as happened in 1948 and1967—an intense Israeli/Iranian regional confrontation can manufacture a Nakbaic con-juncture (resulting in fewer Arabs present in the already fully Israeli-controlled territory of Mandatory Palestine). Such a development could defer far enough the possibility for so-called real solutions to emerge—foremost those prescribed by liberal 1S2S scholars—and simultaneously advance the Israeli version of a one-state solution. It is hoped that colleagues will identify paths to arrive at the utter demolition of this article.

Our first monthly pick for March is "Unparallel Universes: Iran and Israel's One-state Solution" by Moshe Behar (@manchester.ac.uk). Be sure to give it a read!

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

04.03.2026 12:56 👍 1 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 1
Sceptical of the ideational and non-regional terms ruling the post-1993 one-state/two-state (1S2S) exchange about the Palestine/Israel question, this article is in two parts. Part I demonstrates that no Israeli-Jewish constituency exists to support a viable two-state solution while concurrently arguing that the breath taking one-state vision—in the form of a secular-democratic or bi-national state—is equally unlikely to materialise. The sole empirical/material process taking place in the territory comprising mandatory Pales-tine is Israel’s one-state solution, i.e. the ceaseless consolidation of Israeli-Jewish domination over the entire territory. Part II posits that—contrary to the prevailing case—the study of the 1S2S conundrum cannot take place in a universe parallel to the broader study of regional dynamics. I argue that confrontation involving Israel, Iran and their Gazan/Lebanese/American allies/proxies is likely to pre-date/supersede any substantive consideration of a resolution in the territory conceptualised as a secluded island in 1S2Sscholarship. It is erroneous to dismiss the possibility that—as happened in 1948 and1967—an intense Israeli/Iranian regional confrontation can manufacture a Nakbaic con-juncture (resulting in fewer Arabs present in the already fully Israeli-controlled territory of Mandatory Palestine). Such a development could defer far enough the possibility for so-called real solutions to emerge—foremost those prescribed by liberal 1S2S scholars—and simultaneously advance the Israeli version of a one-state solution. It is hoped that colleagues will identify paths to arrive at the utter demolition of this article.

Sceptical of the ideational and non-regional terms ruling the post-1993 one-state/two-state (1S2S) exchange about the Palestine/Israel question, this article is in two parts. Part I demonstrates that no Israeli-Jewish constituency exists to support a viable two-state solution while concurrently arguing that the breath taking one-state vision—in the form of a secular-democratic or bi-national state—is equally unlikely to materialise. The sole empirical/material process taking place in the territory comprising mandatory Pales-tine is Israel’s one-state solution, i.e. the ceaseless consolidation of Israeli-Jewish domination over the entire territory. Part II posits that—contrary to the prevailing case—the study of the 1S2S conundrum cannot take place in a universe parallel to the broader study of regional dynamics. I argue that confrontation involving Israel, Iran and their Gazan/Lebanese/American allies/proxies is likely to pre-date/supersede any substantive consideration of a resolution in the territory conceptualised as a secluded island in 1S2Sscholarship. It is erroneous to dismiss the possibility that—as happened in 1948 and1967—an intense Israeli/Iranian regional confrontation can manufacture a Nakbaic con-juncture (resulting in fewer Arabs present in the already fully Israeli-controlled territory of Mandatory Palestine). Such a development could defer far enough the possibility for so-called real solutions to emerge—foremost those prescribed by liberal 1S2S scholars—and simultaneously advance the Israeli version of a one-state solution. It is hoped that colleagues will identify paths to arrive at the utter demolition of this article.

Our first monthly pick for March is "Unparallel Universes: Iran and Israel's One-state Solution" by Moshe Behar (@manchester.ac.uk). Be sure to give it a read!

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

04.03.2026 12:56 👍 1 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 1
PhD in Political and Social Philosophy, University of Bristol - PhilJobs:JFP PhD in Political and Social Philosophy, University of Bristol An international database of jobs for philosophers

FULLY FUNDED PHDs IN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

I'm looking for *two* PhD students to join my ERC project on refugee-led approaches to displacement justice. The positions are funded for four years, and you get to join our lovely community in Bristol. Please share widely!

philjobs.org/job/show/30997

04.03.2026 09:22 👍 120 🔁 129 💬 1 📌 5
The outrage over genocidal violence in Sudan provided impetus to “legalise” the concept of humanitarian intervention into a “responsibility to protect” (R2P). However, a decade on, the literature treats Darfur and R2P as coterminous with failure: continued inaction underscored its limitations in delivering protection to civilians. This article argues that this is an impoverished reading, which leaves out important dynamics. The legacy of Darfur is more usefully understood as a formative experience for further intervention, rather than as a benchmark of (non-)compliance with the specificities of an evolving R2P norm. We analyse an intensifying functional convergence between Western actors, the Chinese Communist Party and the African Union around the practice of intervention, with a view to creating political order and not to foster regime change, on the continent. Darfur, in this reading, was an indicator of the increasing tendency towards approaching Africa through an interventionist lens of stabilisation, more so than the premature abortion of a nascent norm.

The outrage over genocidal violence in Sudan provided impetus to “legalise” the concept of humanitarian intervention into a “responsibility to protect” (R2P). However, a decade on, the literature treats Darfur and R2P as coterminous with failure: continued inaction underscored its limitations in delivering protection to civilians. This article argues that this is an impoverished reading, which leaves out important dynamics. The legacy of Darfur is more usefully understood as a formative experience for further intervention, rather than as a benchmark of (non-)compliance with the specificities of an evolving R2P norm. We analyse an intensifying functional convergence between Western actors, the Chinese Communist Party and the African Union around the practice of intervention, with a view to creating political order and not to foster regime change, on the continent. Darfur, in this reading, was an indicator of the increasing tendency towards approaching Africa through an interventionist lens of stabilisation, more so than the premature abortion of a nascent norm.

Our final monthly pick for February is "To Intervene in Darfur, or Not: Re-examining the R2P Debate and Its Impact" by Harry Verhoeven, Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, and Madhan Mohan Jaganathan. Be sure to give it a read!

#Sudan #Intervention

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

24.02.2026 14:18 👍 1 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 0
Preview
PhD student in International Relations The Department of Economic History and International Relations is a dynamic and strong education and research department at the Faculty of Social Sciences at Stockholm University. Its International Re

📚 2 PhD positions in International Relations at @stockholm-uni.bsky.social! The positions are linked to my ERC-project about local change and public support for protectionism #academicsky #polisky
Deadline April 10, 2026, apply here! 👇
su.varbi.com/en/what:job/... -
su.varbi.com/what:job/job...

19.02.2026 15:37 👍 23 🔁 22 💬 0 📌 0
Preview
Assistant Professor: International Relations | Radboud University Do you want to work as a Assistant Professor: International Relations at the Nijmegen School of Management? Check our vacancy!

🚨Job Alert 🚨

We are looking for an Assistant Professor in International Relations, with a specialization in Global Political Economy (additional expertise in Climate Governance and/or European cooperation welcome).

Apply and come join our fantastic team!

👉 www.ru.nl/en/working-a...

20.02.2026 11:49 👍 1 🔁 1 💬 0 📌 0
The outrage over genocidal violence in Sudan provided impetus to “legalise” the concept of humanitarian intervention into a “responsibility to protect” (R2P). However, a decade on, the literature treats Darfur and R2P as coterminous with failure: continued inaction underscored its limitations in delivering protection to civilians. This article argues that this is an impoverished reading, which leaves out important dynamics. The legacy of Darfur is more usefully understood as a formative experience for further intervention, rather than as a benchmark of (non-)compliance with the specificities of an evolving R2P norm. We analyse an intensifying functional convergence between Western actors, the Chinese Communist Party and the African Union around the practice of intervention, with a view to creating political order and not to foster regime change, on the continent. Darfur, in this reading, was an indicator of the increasing tendency towards approaching Africa through an interventionist lens of stabilisation, more so than the premature abortion of a nascent norm.

The outrage over genocidal violence in Sudan provided impetus to “legalise” the concept of humanitarian intervention into a “responsibility to protect” (R2P). However, a decade on, the literature treats Darfur and R2P as coterminous with failure: continued inaction underscored its limitations in delivering protection to civilians. This article argues that this is an impoverished reading, which leaves out important dynamics. The legacy of Darfur is more usefully understood as a formative experience for further intervention, rather than as a benchmark of (non-)compliance with the specificities of an evolving R2P norm. We analyse an intensifying functional convergence between Western actors, the Chinese Communist Party and the African Union around the practice of intervention, with a view to creating political order and not to foster regime change, on the continent. Darfur, in this reading, was an indicator of the increasing tendency towards approaching Africa through an interventionist lens of stabilisation, more so than the premature abortion of a nascent norm.

Our final monthly pick for February is "To Intervene in Darfur, or Not: Re-examining the R2P Debate and Its Impact" by Harry Verhoeven, Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, and Madhan Mohan Jaganathan. Be sure to give it a read!

#Sudan #Intervention

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

24.02.2026 14:18 👍 1 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 0
his article offers a practice-oriented perspective on the near-simultaneous rise of anti-genderism in the post-2010 context. Using the Turkish case, it argues that normative isomorphism across different locales is not always the result of recent norm diffusion; their simultaneous and isomorphic emergence can be attributed to the diffusion of practices that enact pre-existing normative frameworks. Empirically speaking, this would mean re-reading the rise of anti-genderism as also a process of practice diffusion, no doubt, within the broader context of the growing influence of right-wing populism and illiberalism. The research suggests focusing on the diffusion of practices rather than norms per se, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of global normative similarities and claims of globality.

his article offers a practice-oriented perspective on the near-simultaneous rise of anti-genderism in the post-2010 context. Using the Turkish case, it argues that normative isomorphism across different locales is not always the result of recent norm diffusion; their simultaneous and isomorphic emergence can be attributed to the diffusion of practices that enact pre-existing normative frameworks. Empirically speaking, this would mean re-reading the rise of anti-genderism as also a process of practice diffusion, no doubt, within the broader context of the growing influence of right-wing populism and illiberalism. The research suggests focusing on the diffusion of practices rather than norms per se, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of global normative similarities and claims of globality.

New #OnlineFirst Publication!

"Anti-gender Normativity and Advocacy in Turkey – Making a Case for Practice Diffusion" by Hüsrev Tabak and Marella Bodur Ün is now out. Do give it a read!

#Norms #Gender #Turkey

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

13.02.2026 16:46 👍 2 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 0
Food policy is a predominantly overlooked vector of state formation in Africa. Comparing the trajectories of food policy in Senegal and Uganda, this article shows how internationally embedded food policies underpin state domination. It highlights three themes – early colonial food policies, the rise of organisational knowledge and the internationalisation of state domination through multilateral “assistance”. This argument is based on field research in both countries and on official documents and secondary literature. Its theoretical orientation draws upon a historical sociology of the State, as opposed to the idea of the heroic nation-state or the State as a component of “global ‘governance'”. We claim that food policy is highly politicised and that its effects on the State deserve much more attention in International Relations (IR), on the one hand, and state theory on the other. To study politics around food, we argue, would help to globalise IR.

Food policy is a predominantly overlooked vector of state formation in Africa. Comparing the trajectories of food policy in Senegal and Uganda, this article shows how internationally embedded food policies underpin state domination. It highlights three themes – early colonial food policies, the rise of organisational knowledge and the internationalisation of state domination through multilateral “assistance”. This argument is based on field research in both countries and on official documents and secondary literature. Its theoretical orientation draws upon a historical sociology of the State, as opposed to the idea of the heroic nation-state or the State as a component of “global ‘governance'”. We claim that food policy is highly politicised and that its effects on the State deserve much more attention in International Relations (IR), on the one hand, and state theory on the other. To study politics around food, we argue, would help to globalise IR.

Our next monthly pick for February is "Food policy and state formation in Senegal and Uganda" by Alex Nadège Ouedraogo and Klaus Schlichte (both University of Bremen). Be sure to give it a read!

#OpenAccess #Food #Sengal #Uganda

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

16.02.2026 11:14 👍 3 🔁 3 💬 0 📌 0
Post image

📢 APPLY NOW!: DPIR seeks to appoint two full-time fixed-term Departmental Lecturers in International Relations - one with expertise in international political economy and one in historical and interpretive approaches and methods.

🗓️ CLOSES: Noon, 18 March 2026: www.politics.ox.ac.u...

18.02.2026 12:28 👍 4 🔁 9 💬 0 📌 0
Food policy is a predominantly overlooked vector of state formation in Africa. Comparing the trajectories of food policy in Senegal and Uganda, this article shows how internationally embedded food policies underpin state domination. It highlights three themes – early colonial food policies, the rise of organisational knowledge and the internationalisation of state domination through multilateral “assistance”. This argument is based on field research in both countries and on official documents and secondary literature. Its theoretical orientation draws upon a historical sociology of the State, as opposed to the idea of the heroic nation-state or the State as a component of “global ‘governance'”. We claim that food policy is highly politicised and that its effects on the State deserve much more attention in International Relations (IR), on the one hand, and state theory on the other. To study politics around food, we argue, would help to globalise IR.

Food policy is a predominantly overlooked vector of state formation in Africa. Comparing the trajectories of food policy in Senegal and Uganda, this article shows how internationally embedded food policies underpin state domination. It highlights three themes – early colonial food policies, the rise of organisational knowledge and the internationalisation of state domination through multilateral “assistance”. This argument is based on field research in both countries and on official documents and secondary literature. Its theoretical orientation draws upon a historical sociology of the State, as opposed to the idea of the heroic nation-state or the State as a component of “global ‘governance'”. We claim that food policy is highly politicised and that its effects on the State deserve much more attention in International Relations (IR), on the one hand, and state theory on the other. To study politics around food, we argue, would help to globalise IR.

Our next monthly pick for February is "Food policy and state formation in Senegal and Uganda" by Alex Nadège Ouedraogo and Klaus Schlichte (both University of Bremen). Be sure to give it a read!

#OpenAccess #Food #Sengal #Uganda

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

16.02.2026 11:14 👍 3 🔁 3 💬 0 📌 0
his article offers a practice-oriented perspective on the near-simultaneous rise of anti-genderism in the post-2010 context. Using the Turkish case, it argues that normative isomorphism across different locales is not always the result of recent norm diffusion; their simultaneous and isomorphic emergence can be attributed to the diffusion of practices that enact pre-existing normative frameworks. Empirically speaking, this would mean re-reading the rise of anti-genderism as also a process of practice diffusion, no doubt, within the broader context of the growing influence of right-wing populism and illiberalism. The research suggests focusing on the diffusion of practices rather than norms per se, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of global normative similarities and claims of globality.

his article offers a practice-oriented perspective on the near-simultaneous rise of anti-genderism in the post-2010 context. Using the Turkish case, it argues that normative isomorphism across different locales is not always the result of recent norm diffusion; their simultaneous and isomorphic emergence can be attributed to the diffusion of practices that enact pre-existing normative frameworks. Empirically speaking, this would mean re-reading the rise of anti-genderism as also a process of practice diffusion, no doubt, within the broader context of the growing influence of right-wing populism and illiberalism. The research suggests focusing on the diffusion of practices rather than norms per se, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of global normative similarities and claims of globality.

New #OnlineFirst Publication!

"Anti-gender Normativity and Advocacy in Turkey – Making a Case for Practice Diffusion" by Hüsrev Tabak and Marella Bodur Ün is now out. Do give it a read!

#Norms #Gender #Turkey

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

13.02.2026 16:46 👍 2 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 0
Preview
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (294884) | NTNU - Norwegian University of Science and Technology Job title: ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (294884), Employer: NTNU - Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Deadline: Wednesday, April 29, 2026

We have a vacant position as Associate Professor in Political Science (International Relations). Deadline April 29. Please apply or distribute. www.jobbnorge.no/en/available...

12.02.2026 07:42 👍 18 🔁 27 💬 0 📌 0
This paper contributes to the scholarly debate on secondary states’ agency in the context of US–China technological competition by examining how members of the Five Eyes (FVEY) intelligence alliance, excluding the United States, responded to perceived security risks posed by Huawei’s 5G infrastructure. While all FVEY states ultimately excluded Huawei from national networks, the pathways to this outcome diverged markedly, reflecting differences in threat perception, institutional processes, political priorities, and strategic cultures. Australia acted decisively, leveraging established mechanisms to implement a hardline stance; Canada and New Zealand proceeded cautiously, balancing domestic politics and trade concerns; and the United Kingdom initially resisted US pressure before reversing course amid domestic scrutiny. These variations show that alliance cohesion cannot be assumed, even among long-standing intelligence partners, and that convergence in policy outcomes does not imply convergence in underlying rationale, though all members ultimately reached a de facto similar outcome. The study underscores the limits of US influence over allied interpretations of asymmetric technological threats and highlights the critical role of secondary states in shaping technological geopolitics. By illuminating how liberal democracies navigate security, economic, and political imperatives in asymmetric competition, it provides insights into the challenges of multilateral coordination over emerging technologies.

This paper contributes to the scholarly debate on secondary states’ agency in the context of US–China technological competition by examining how members of the Five Eyes (FVEY) intelligence alliance, excluding the United States, responded to perceived security risks posed by Huawei’s 5G infrastructure. While all FVEY states ultimately excluded Huawei from national networks, the pathways to this outcome diverged markedly, reflecting differences in threat perception, institutional processes, political priorities, and strategic cultures. Australia acted decisively, leveraging established mechanisms to implement a hardline stance; Canada and New Zealand proceeded cautiously, balancing domestic politics and trade concerns; and the United Kingdom initially resisted US pressure before reversing course amid domestic scrutiny. These variations show that alliance cohesion cannot be assumed, even among long-standing intelligence partners, and that convergence in policy outcomes does not imply convergence in underlying rationale, though all members ultimately reached a de facto similar outcome. The study underscores the limits of US influence over allied interpretations of asymmetric technological threats and highlights the critical role of secondary states in shaping technological geopolitics. By illuminating how liberal democracies navigate security, economic, and political imperatives in asymmetric competition, it provides insights into the challenges of multilateral coordination over emerging technologies.

New #OnlineFirst #OpenAccess article!

"The US-Sino Tech War Through the Eyes of Secondary States: An Analysis of the Reactions of the US Five Eyes Allies to Huawei’s 5G" is by Zeno Leoni (KC London) & Eugenio Lilli (@ucddublin.bsky.social).

#US #China

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

27.01.2026 11:56 👍 3 🔁 3 💬 0 📌 0
This article brings to fore long-standing intricacies and dilemmas in Brazil’s and China’s international positioning. It reveals the complex discursive repertoires shaping the Brazilian and Chinese sense of Self in the world, in the Global South, and, more particularly, in relation to Africa. It engages with the concept of “liminality” to highlight how constructing South–South relationships and invoking Southern identities have been ambiguous, indeterminate—thus liminal—endeavors in these countries’ international affairs. By dissecting their diplomatic and corporate narratives towards Africa, our analysis demonstrates, notwithstanding tensions and contradictions, how Brazilian and Chinese actors have creatively acted upon this liminality to pursue foreign policy goals and economic projects. In doing so, the article stresses the floating, ambiguous nature of powerful constructs such as “South” (and “West”), and binary oppositions between them. It concludes by discussing how a liminality perspective allows us to understand the unfixed and multifaceted nature of roles and identities in international relations.

This article brings to fore long-standing intricacies and dilemmas in Brazil’s and China’s international positioning. It reveals the complex discursive repertoires shaping the Brazilian and Chinese sense of Self in the world, in the Global South, and, more particularly, in relation to Africa. It engages with the concept of “liminality” to highlight how constructing South–South relationships and invoking Southern identities have been ambiguous, indeterminate—thus liminal—endeavors in these countries’ international affairs. By dissecting their diplomatic and corporate narratives towards Africa, our analysis demonstrates, notwithstanding tensions and contradictions, how Brazilian and Chinese actors have creatively acted upon this liminality to pursue foreign policy goals and economic projects. In doing so, the article stresses the floating, ambiguous nature of powerful constructs such as “South” (and “West”), and binary oppositions between them. It concludes by discussing how a liminality perspective allows us to understand the unfixed and multifaceted nature of roles and identities in international relations.

Our second monthly pick for February is "Liminally Positioned in the South: Reinterpreting Brazilian and Chinese Relations with Africa" by @janahoenke.bsky.social, @eric-cezne.bsky.social, and Yifan Mia Yang. Do give it a read!

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

09.02.2026 10:49 👍 6 🔁 5 💬 0 📌 0
This article brings to fore long-standing intricacies and dilemmas in Brazil’s and China’s international positioning. It reveals the complex discursive repertoires shaping the Brazilian and Chinese sense of Self in the world, in the Global South, and, more particularly, in relation to Africa. It engages with the concept of “liminality” to highlight how constructing South–South relationships and invoking Southern identities have been ambiguous, indeterminate—thus liminal—endeavors in these countries’ international affairs. By dissecting their diplomatic and corporate narratives towards Africa, our analysis demonstrates, notwithstanding tensions and contradictions, how Brazilian and Chinese actors have creatively acted upon this liminality to pursue foreign policy goals and economic projects. In doing so, the article stresses the floating, ambiguous nature of powerful constructs such as “South” (and “West”), and binary oppositions between them. It concludes by discussing how a liminality perspective allows us to understand the unfixed and multifaceted nature of roles and identities in international relations.

This article brings to fore long-standing intricacies and dilemmas in Brazil’s and China’s international positioning. It reveals the complex discursive repertoires shaping the Brazilian and Chinese sense of Self in the world, in the Global South, and, more particularly, in relation to Africa. It engages with the concept of “liminality” to highlight how constructing South–South relationships and invoking Southern identities have been ambiguous, indeterminate—thus liminal—endeavors in these countries’ international affairs. By dissecting their diplomatic and corporate narratives towards Africa, our analysis demonstrates, notwithstanding tensions and contradictions, how Brazilian and Chinese actors have creatively acted upon this liminality to pursue foreign policy goals and economic projects. In doing so, the article stresses the floating, ambiguous nature of powerful constructs such as “South” (and “West”), and binary oppositions between them. It concludes by discussing how a liminality perspective allows us to understand the unfixed and multifaceted nature of roles and identities in international relations.

Our second monthly pick for February is "Liminally Positioned in the South: Reinterpreting Brazilian and Chinese Relations with Africa" by @janahoenke.bsky.social, @eric-cezne.bsky.social, and Yifan Mia Yang. Do give it a read!

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

09.02.2026 10:49 👍 6 🔁 5 💬 0 📌 0
From 2003, President Lula heralded a new dawn in Brazil’s expanding African relations. Brazil was claimed to be unlike other exploitative powers because of its cultural, geographic and historic connections; Africa’s true brother. Despite the passing of two decades and a number of scandals, this narrative of exceptionalism remains. Studies on Brazil–Africa relations tend to focus on the Brazilian state as the key, essentially benign agent. Our analysis uses the case studies of Angola and Tanzania to debunk the idea of Brazilian exceptionalism. We demonstrate the significant, overlooked agency of corporations in shaping and implementing Lula’s Africa Policy, and determining its developmentally dubious outcomes. Additionally, the paper shows how political elites in Africa directed Brazilian government and companies into their political and business norms. Thus, Brazil–Africa relations replicated much of the typical economic patterns of the continent’s trade, with oft-controversial and corrupt investment in commodity extraction and infrastructure.

From 2003, President Lula heralded a new dawn in Brazil’s expanding African relations. Brazil was claimed to be unlike other exploitative powers because of its cultural, geographic and historic connections; Africa’s true brother. Despite the passing of two decades and a number of scandals, this narrative of exceptionalism remains. Studies on Brazil–Africa relations tend to focus on the Brazilian state as the key, essentially benign agent. Our analysis uses the case studies of Angola and Tanzania to debunk the idea of Brazilian exceptionalism. We demonstrate the significant, overlooked agency of corporations in shaping and implementing Lula’s Africa Policy, and determining its developmentally dubious outcomes. Additionally, the paper shows how political elites in Africa directed Brazilian government and companies into their political and business norms. Thus, Brazil–Africa relations replicated much of the typical economic patterns of the continent’s trade, with oft-controversial and corrupt investment in commodity extraction and infrastructure.

Our first monthly pick for February is the #OpenAccess article, "Debunking Brazilian Exceptionalism in its Africa Relations: Evidence from Angola and Tanzania" by @barnabyjdye.bsky.social (Kings College London) and Mathias Alencastro. Be sure to give it a read!

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

04.02.2026 09:32 👍 4 🔁 3 💬 0 📌 0
From 2003, President Lula heralded a new dawn in Brazil’s expanding African relations. Brazil was claimed to be unlike other exploitative powers because of its cultural, geographic and historic connections; Africa’s true brother. Despite the passing of two decades and a number of scandals, this narrative of exceptionalism remains. Studies on Brazil–Africa relations tend to focus on the Brazilian state as the key, essentially benign agent. Our analysis uses the case studies of Angola and Tanzania to debunk the idea of Brazilian exceptionalism. We demonstrate the significant, overlooked agency of corporations in shaping and implementing Lula’s Africa Policy, and determining its developmentally dubious outcomes. Additionally, the paper shows how political elites in Africa directed Brazilian government and companies into their political and business norms. Thus, Brazil–Africa relations replicated much of the typical economic patterns of the continent’s trade, with oft-controversial and corrupt investment in commodity extraction and infrastructure.

From 2003, President Lula heralded a new dawn in Brazil’s expanding African relations. Brazil was claimed to be unlike other exploitative powers because of its cultural, geographic and historic connections; Africa’s true brother. Despite the passing of two decades and a number of scandals, this narrative of exceptionalism remains. Studies on Brazil–Africa relations tend to focus on the Brazilian state as the key, essentially benign agent. Our analysis uses the case studies of Angola and Tanzania to debunk the idea of Brazilian exceptionalism. We demonstrate the significant, overlooked agency of corporations in shaping and implementing Lula’s Africa Policy, and determining its developmentally dubious outcomes. Additionally, the paper shows how political elites in Africa directed Brazilian government and companies into their political and business norms. Thus, Brazil–Africa relations replicated much of the typical economic patterns of the continent’s trade, with oft-controversial and corrupt investment in commodity extraction and infrastructure.

Our first monthly pick for February is the #OpenAccess article, "Debunking Brazilian Exceptionalism in its Africa Relations: Evidence from Angola and Tanzania" by @barnabyjdye.bsky.social (Kings College London) and Mathias Alencastro. Be sure to give it a read!

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

04.02.2026 09:32 👍 4 🔁 3 💬 0 📌 0
Since 2019, social movements and protests in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region have attracted considerable international attention. In response, the UK Government has implemented measures such as the British National (Overseas) Visa Scheme and this paper examines the attitudes of British political parties towards the BNO Visa Scheme for Hong Kong immigrants, within the context of UK–China relations. By analyzing parliamentary speeches from Hansard (2019–2023) alongside political debates, the qualitative analysis in this paper makes an original contribution to the academic literature in outlining the UK’s sense of historical responsibility, in framing the BNO Visa issue in humanitarian terms. In addition, the paper explores how the decline in UK–China relations has strengthened strategic support for the BNO Visa Scheme and influenced immigration policy, as well as the UK government’s approach to decolonisation in international relations.

Since 2019, social movements and protests in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region have attracted considerable international attention. In response, the UK Government has implemented measures such as the British National (Overseas) Visa Scheme and this paper examines the attitudes of British political parties towards the BNO Visa Scheme for Hong Kong immigrants, within the context of UK–China relations. By analyzing parliamentary speeches from Hansard (2019–2023) alongside political debates, the qualitative analysis in this paper makes an original contribution to the academic literature in outlining the UK’s sense of historical responsibility, in framing the BNO Visa issue in humanitarian terms. In addition, the paper explores how the decline in UK–China relations has strengthened strategic support for the BNO Visa Scheme and influenced immigration policy, as well as the UK government’s approach to decolonisation in international relations.

The final article in Global Society 40(1) is "The BNO Visa Scheme in UK–China Relations: A Geopolitical Tool" by James F Downes and Kenneth Lai (both Hong Kong Metropolitan University). Please do give it a read!

#BNO #UK #China

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

26.01.2026 14:05 👍 2 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 0
This paper contributes to the scholarly debate on secondary states’ agency in the context of US–China technological competition by examining how members of the Five Eyes (FVEY) intelligence alliance, excluding the United States, responded to perceived security risks posed by Huawei’s 5G infrastructure. While all FVEY states ultimately excluded Huawei from national networks, the pathways to this outcome diverged markedly, reflecting differences in threat perception, institutional processes, political priorities, and strategic cultures. Australia acted decisively, leveraging established mechanisms to implement a hardline stance; Canada and New Zealand proceeded cautiously, balancing domestic politics and trade concerns; and the United Kingdom initially resisted US pressure before reversing course amid domestic scrutiny. These variations show that alliance cohesion cannot be assumed, even among long-standing intelligence partners, and that convergence in policy outcomes does not imply convergence in underlying rationale, though all members ultimately reached a de facto similar outcome. The study underscores the limits of US influence over allied interpretations of asymmetric technological threats and highlights the critical role of secondary states in shaping technological geopolitics. By illuminating how liberal democracies navigate security, economic, and political imperatives in asymmetric competition, it provides insights into the challenges of multilateral coordination over emerging technologies.

This paper contributes to the scholarly debate on secondary states’ agency in the context of US–China technological competition by examining how members of the Five Eyes (FVEY) intelligence alliance, excluding the United States, responded to perceived security risks posed by Huawei’s 5G infrastructure. While all FVEY states ultimately excluded Huawei from national networks, the pathways to this outcome diverged markedly, reflecting differences in threat perception, institutional processes, political priorities, and strategic cultures. Australia acted decisively, leveraging established mechanisms to implement a hardline stance; Canada and New Zealand proceeded cautiously, balancing domestic politics and trade concerns; and the United Kingdom initially resisted US pressure before reversing course amid domestic scrutiny. These variations show that alliance cohesion cannot be assumed, even among long-standing intelligence partners, and that convergence in policy outcomes does not imply convergence in underlying rationale, though all members ultimately reached a de facto similar outcome. The study underscores the limits of US influence over allied interpretations of asymmetric technological threats and highlights the critical role of secondary states in shaping technological geopolitics. By illuminating how liberal democracies navigate security, economic, and political imperatives in asymmetric competition, it provides insights into the challenges of multilateral coordination over emerging technologies.

New #OnlineFirst #OpenAccess article!

"The US-Sino Tech War Through the Eyes of Secondary States: An Analysis of the Reactions of the US Five Eyes Allies to Huawei’s 5G" is by Zeno Leoni (KC London) & Eugenio Lilli (@ucddublin.bsky.social).

#US #China

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

27.01.2026 11:56 👍 3 🔁 3 💬 0 📌 0
Since 2019, social movements and protests in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region have attracted considerable international attention. In response, the UK Government has implemented measures such as the British National (Overseas) Visa Scheme and this paper examines the attitudes of British political parties towards the BNO Visa Scheme for Hong Kong immigrants, within the context of UK–China relations. By analyzing parliamentary speeches from Hansard (2019–2023) alongside political debates, the qualitative analysis in this paper makes an original contribution to the academic literature in outlining the UK’s sense of historical responsibility, in framing the BNO Visa issue in humanitarian terms. In addition, the paper explores how the decline in UK–China relations has strengthened strategic support for the BNO Visa Scheme and influenced immigration policy, as well as the UK government’s approach to decolonisation in international relations.

Since 2019, social movements and protests in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region have attracted considerable international attention. In response, the UK Government has implemented measures such as the British National (Overseas) Visa Scheme and this paper examines the attitudes of British political parties towards the BNO Visa Scheme for Hong Kong immigrants, within the context of UK–China relations. By analyzing parliamentary speeches from Hansard (2019–2023) alongside political debates, the qualitative analysis in this paper makes an original contribution to the academic literature in outlining the UK’s sense of historical responsibility, in framing the BNO Visa issue in humanitarian terms. In addition, the paper explores how the decline in UK–China relations has strengthened strategic support for the BNO Visa Scheme and influenced immigration policy, as well as the UK government’s approach to decolonisation in international relations.

The final article in Global Society 40(1) is "The BNO Visa Scheme in UK–China Relations: A Geopolitical Tool" by James F Downes and Kenneth Lai (both Hong Kong Metropolitan University). Please do give it a read!

#BNO #UK #China

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

26.01.2026 14:05 👍 2 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 0

I am absolutely thrilled that I will be joining the phenomenal team @globalsociety.bsky.social as an Associate Editor soon!

25.01.2026 10:22 👍 5 🔁 1 💬 0 📌 0
Preview
Postdoctoral Position at the Cluster of Excellence “The Politics of Inequality” Deadline: 20 February 2026, 12:00 pm CET

🚨 Postdoctoral Position at the University of Konstanz 🚨

We’re hiring a post-doc for our @excinequality.bsky.social project on political elites and decision-making.

4-year position | Deadline: Feb. 20 | Start: Sept 2026

Please share widely 🙏

The ad is here stellen.uni-konstanz.de/jobposting/f...

23.01.2026 12:44 👍 51 🔁 54 💬 0 📌 1
Preview
Global Society Authoritarian Governmentality and Counter-Conduct from the Local to the Global. Volume 39, Issue 1 of Global Society

We are very excited to announce that @jusimon.bsky.social will be joining Global Society as an Associate Editor!

Julia previously guest edited our special issue 'Authoritarian Governmentality and Counter-Conduct from the Local to the Global', linked below.

www.tandfonline.com/toc/cgsj20/3...

23.01.2026 11:36 👍 4 🔁 1 💬 0 📌 1
In this article, we unpack and critically engage with the contemporary dynamics of global environmental governance. We specifically address the persistence of uneven relations of power despite the attempts under the “participatory turn” to enhance democratic decision-making among environmental actors. We argue that rather than foster equity and justice, contemporary environmental governance institutions reinforce and replicate existing power relations. To illustrate our argument, we situate the concept and practice of global environmental governance historically and employ the concept of coloniality to illustrate the different mechanisms that uphold and reproduce power. We argue that this more nuanced understanding of how power is operationalised in global environmental governance provides a valuable tool for analysing the dynamics of participation and inclusion.

In this article, we unpack and critically engage with the contemporary dynamics of global environmental governance. We specifically address the persistence of uneven relations of power despite the attempts under the “participatory turn” to enhance democratic decision-making among environmental actors. We argue that rather than foster equity and justice, contemporary environmental governance institutions reinforce and replicate existing power relations. To illustrate our argument, we situate the concept and practice of global environmental governance historically and employ the concept of coloniality to illustrate the different mechanisms that uphold and reproduce power. We argue that this more nuanced understanding of how power is operationalised in global environmental governance provides a valuable tool for analysing the dynamics of participation and inclusion.

The 5th article in Global Society 40(1) is "Conceptualising Global Environmental Governance Through the Lens of Coloniality" by Gabriela Kütting (@rutgersu.bsky.social) and Wendy Godek (Roger Williams University). Do give it a read!

#Governance #Environment

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

21.01.2026 12:04 👍 2 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 0
Post image

🚀 Beat the midweek blues with @alexchristoy.bsky.social's brilliant new article, "Pacifist rejoinders to the ‘Hitler question’".

🔖👉 Open access and available here: www.cambridge.org/core/journal...

21.01.2026 09:47 👍 1 🔁 1 💬 0 📌 0
ISA-SAWP Colombo 2026: Call for Proposals

Happy to announce the 1st ever @isanet.bsky.social conference in South Asia in August 2026. Hosted in Colombo, Sri Lanka, we welcome proposals from scholars based in and/or studying South Asian politics & international relations, but also broader global themes ofc www.isanet.org/Conferences/...

21.01.2026 07:59 👍 54 🔁 52 💬 13 📌 3
In this article, we unpack and critically engage with the contemporary dynamics of global environmental governance. We specifically address the persistence of uneven relations of power despite the attempts under the “participatory turn” to enhance democratic decision-making among environmental actors. We argue that rather than foster equity and justice, contemporary environmental governance institutions reinforce and replicate existing power relations. To illustrate our argument, we situate the concept and practice of global environmental governance historically and employ the concept of coloniality to illustrate the different mechanisms that uphold and reproduce power. We argue that this more nuanced understanding of how power is operationalised in global environmental governance provides a valuable tool for analysing the dynamics of participation and inclusion.

In this article, we unpack and critically engage with the contemporary dynamics of global environmental governance. We specifically address the persistence of uneven relations of power despite the attempts under the “participatory turn” to enhance democratic decision-making among environmental actors. We argue that rather than foster equity and justice, contemporary environmental governance institutions reinforce and replicate existing power relations. To illustrate our argument, we situate the concept and practice of global environmental governance historically and employ the concept of coloniality to illustrate the different mechanisms that uphold and reproduce power. We argue that this more nuanced understanding of how power is operationalised in global environmental governance provides a valuable tool for analysing the dynamics of participation and inclusion.

The 5th article in Global Society 40(1) is "Conceptualising Global Environmental Governance Through the Lens of Coloniality" by Gabriela Kütting (@rutgersu.bsky.social) and Wendy Godek (Roger Williams University). Do give it a read!

#Governance #Environment

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

21.01.2026 12:04 👍 2 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 0
How do domestic civil society organisations (CSOs) in Kosovo, 
Taiwan and Palestine engage internationally, circumventing 
obstacles caused by absence of universal recognition and United 
Nations (UN) membership? We address this question by 
comparatively analysing the activities of these “lightweights” and 
integrating two streams of research on CSOs and de facto states. 
Conceptually, the article engages with the actorness of domestic 
CSOs, by highlighting a range of methods utilised to facilitate de 
facto states’ international interactions and mobilise international 
support. We focus on specific issue areas and types of activities, 
highlighting various forms of CSO engagement with different 
audiences and the themes they seek to convey – such as state 
recognition, sovereignty and self-determination – through their 
outreach efforts. It appears that CSOs create a united front with 
de facto states’ foreign policy institutions and make some efforts 
to affect international affairs by drifting across (non)recognition 
settings.

How do domestic civil society organisations (CSOs) in Kosovo, Taiwan and Palestine engage internationally, circumventing obstacles caused by absence of universal recognition and United Nations (UN) membership? We address this question by comparatively analysing the activities of these “lightweights” and integrating two streams of research on CSOs and de facto states. Conceptually, the article engages with the actorness of domestic CSOs, by highlighting a range of methods utilised to facilitate de facto states’ international interactions and mobilise international support. We focus on specific issue areas and types of activities, highlighting various forms of CSO engagement with different audiences and the themes they seek to convey – such as state recognition, sovereignty and self-determination – through their outreach efforts. It appears that CSOs create a united front with de facto states’ foreign policy institutions and make some efforts to affect international affairs by drifting across (non)recognition settings.

The 4th article in Global Society 40(1) is "Punching Above Their Diplomatic Weight: De Facto States’ Civil Society Organisations in International Affairs" by @butrintberisha.bsky.social & Eiki Berg (both University of Tartu). Do give it a read!

#Diplomacy

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

19.01.2026 11:39 👍 1 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 0
Great-power tensions, regional conflict, and income inequality are some of the principal troubles facing the international community. The blame for this current global turmoil is commonly framed as the outcome of globalisation gone awry. This article challenges this conclusion. First, globalisation cannot be the primary explanation for these outcomes since it is not an ideology, a distinct set of ideas, or a programme of policies. Globalisation is only a framework of integration that necessarily requires ideas, tenets, and strategies to animate it. Second, it is important to distinguish between two different periods of discrete global order: the Liberal International Order which began in 1945 and ended in 1980 followed by the Neoliberal International Order which finished in 2015. Concomitantly, the ideology, principles, and policies that infused each order determined the substance of globalisation during each period. Conflating liberal and neoliberal ideologies and the orders they imbued obscures the fact that their substance and consequences diverged significantly. A proper scrutiny of each order and its underlying ideology would also induce a careful examination of globalisation particularly of the benefits accrued during the liberal period. Ultimately, it was the implementation of neoliberal policies that are at the root of the current turbulence.

Great-power tensions, regional conflict, and income inequality are some of the principal troubles facing the international community. The blame for this current global turmoil is commonly framed as the outcome of globalisation gone awry. This article challenges this conclusion. First, globalisation cannot be the primary explanation for these outcomes since it is not an ideology, a distinct set of ideas, or a programme of policies. Globalisation is only a framework of integration that necessarily requires ideas, tenets, and strategies to animate it. Second, it is important to distinguish between two different periods of discrete global order: the Liberal International Order which began in 1945 and ended in 1980 followed by the Neoliberal International Order which finished in 2015. Concomitantly, the ideology, principles, and policies that infused each order determined the substance of globalisation during each period. Conflating liberal and neoliberal ideologies and the orders they imbued obscures the fact that their substance and consequences diverged significantly. A proper scrutiny of each order and its underlying ideology would also induce a careful examination of globalisation particularly of the benefits accrued during the liberal period. Ultimately, it was the implementation of neoliberal policies that are at the root of the current turbulence.

The third article in Global Society 40(1) is "The Post-War Evolution of Globalisation and International Order: From Liberal to Neoliberal International Order" by Carlos Hernan Ramirez (Kindai University). Do give it a read!

#Globalisation #Ideology

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....

15.01.2026 08:40 👍 2 🔁 2 💬 0 📌 1