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Nicholas

@nicholasholtz

Baltimore, Maryland

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Dana M. Douglas, Circuit Judge, dissenting:
The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of
1996 (IIRIRA) was passed in part out of a desire to equalize the treatment
of noncitizens presenting at ports of entry for inspection and those
apprehended in the interior after effecting an unlawful entry. It pursued this
aim in several ways, most prominently by deeming both classes of noncitizens
“applicants for admission” subject to the same removal procedures and
excluding noncitizens detained based on certain criminal offenses from
eligibility for bond.
The Congress that passed IIRIRA would be surprised to learn it had
also required the detention without bond of two million people. For almost
thirty years there was no sign anyone thought it had done so, and nothing in
the congressional record or the history of the statute’s enforcement suggests
that it did. Nonetheless, the government today asserts the authority and
mandate to detain millions of noncitizens in the interior, some of them
present here for decades, on the same terms as if they were apprehended at
the border.1 No matter that this newly discovered mandate arrives without
historical precedent, and in the teeth of one of the core distinctions of
immigration law. The overwhelming majority of courts in this circuit and

Dana M. Douglas, Circuit Judge, dissenting: The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA) was passed in part out of a desire to equalize the treatment of noncitizens presenting at ports of entry for inspection and those apprehended in the interior after effecting an unlawful entry. It pursued this aim in several ways, most prominently by deeming both classes of noncitizens “applicants for admission” subject to the same removal procedures and excluding noncitizens detained based on certain criminal offenses from eligibility for bond. The Congress that passed IIRIRA would be surprised to learn it had also required the detention without bond of two million people. For almost thirty years there was no sign anyone thought it had done so, and nothing in the congressional record or the history of the statute’s enforcement suggests that it did. Nonetheless, the government today asserts the authority and mandate to detain millions of noncitizens in the interior, some of them present here for decades, on the same terms as if they were apprehended at the border.1 No matter that this newly discovered mandate arrives without historical precedent, and in the teeth of one of the core distinctions of immigration law. The overwhelming majority of courts in this circuit and

elsewhere have recognized that the government’s position is totally
unsupported. Undeterred, the majority and the government distort the
statutory text, abstract it from its context and history, ignore the Supreme
Court’s clearly stated understanding of the statutory scheme, and wave away
the agency’s previous failure to detain millions of noncitizens as if it were a
rounding error.
And for what? The majority stakes the largest detention initiative in
American history on the possibility that “seeking admission” is like being an
“applicant for admission,” in a statute that has never been applied in this
way, based on little more than an apparent conviction that Congress must
have wanted these noncitizens detained—some of them the spouses,
mothers, fathers, and grandparents of American citizens. Straining at a gnat,
the majority swallows a camel. I dissent.

elsewhere have recognized that the government’s position is totally unsupported. Undeterred, the majority and the government distort the statutory text, abstract it from its context and history, ignore the Supreme Court’s clearly stated understanding of the statutory scheme, and wave away the agency’s previous failure to detain millions of noncitizens as if it were a rounding error. And for what? The majority stakes the largest detention initiative in American history on the possibility that “seeking admission” is like being an “applicant for admission,” in a statute that has never been applied in this way, based on little more than an apparent conviction that Congress must have wanted these noncitizens detained—some of them the spouses, mothers, fathers, and grandparents of American citizens. Straining at a gnat, the majority swallows a camel. I dissent.

1 Despite the long period of undisturbed interpretation of the statutory provisions
at issue here, the government has insisted that we take up this issue with unprecedented
urgency, in a manner that does not reflect the gravity of the outcome Petitioners face. After
our court granted the government’s request to expedite this case, the government
requested that we further expedite our disposition of the case by issuing an order resolving
the appeal with a notation that the opinion would follow. This request appears to be
virtually unprecedented in this circuit. Notably, as of February 5, 2026, the government
has not made a similar request in its case pending before the Seventh Circuit, the only other
circuit that thus far has heard the government’s argument on this statutory issue. See
Castañon-Nava v. U.S. Dep’t of Homeland Sec., No. 1:18-cv-03757 (7th Cir.), docket.

1 Despite the long period of undisturbed interpretation of the statutory provisions at issue here, the government has insisted that we take up this issue with unprecedented urgency, in a manner that does not reflect the gravity of the outcome Petitioners face. After our court granted the government’s request to expedite this case, the government requested that we further expedite our disposition of the case by issuing an order resolving the appeal with a notation that the opinion would follow. This request appears to be virtually unprecedented in this circuit. Notably, as of February 5, 2026, the government has not made a similar request in its case pending before the Seventh Circuit, the only other circuit that thus far has heard the government’s argument on this statutory issue. See Castañon-Nava v. U.S. Dep’t of Homeland Sec., No. 1:18-cv-03757 (7th Cir.), docket.

Judge Dana Douglas's dissent sets up the unusual circumstances of this appeal, the stakes of this case, and the error of the majority very well from the start.

"Straining at a gnat, the majority swallows a camel."

07.02.2026 03:23 👍 598 🔁 165 💬 5 📌 5
Video thumbnail

STEPHANOPOULOS: The indictments of Comey and James came after Trump explicitly said they're 'guilty as hell.'

BLANCHE: If you're a DOJ prosecutor, you're expected to effectuate this administration's priorities. You're reading a small part of a Truth.

01.02.2026 16:23 👍 1274 🔁 327 💬 251 📌 82
Kid in a hat and backpack, maybe 5, getting detained

Kid in a hat and backpack, maybe 5, getting detained

This picture making the rounds on reddit, Columbia Heights. I'm not OK.

21.01.2026 18:52 👍 6240 🔁 1932 💬 403 📌 1151
A family member reacts after a federal immigration officer used a battering ram to break down a door before making an arrest on January 11, 2026, in Minneapolis.

A family member reacts after a federal immigration officer used a battering ram to break down a door before making an arrest on January 11, 2026, in Minneapolis.

Stunning photos from Minneapolis, including this one by John Locher for the Associated Press. www.theatlantic.com/photography/...

15.01.2026 19:22 👍 18013 🔁 7512 💬 915 📌 821

No Thibau? 😢

04.09.2025 17:51 👍 0 🔁 0 💬 0 📌 0

Not suggesting people should reply but if you are required to it would be a good idea to make sure to describe the human nuance in your work and the types of critical thinking that, despite all the bluster, predictive AI can’t do.

23.02.2025 12:05 👍 2 🔁 0 💬 0 📌 0

Seems likely that this plays into his efforts to have AI replace federal employees. He can have AI analyze responses and then identify individuals or roles that are “replaceable” with machines.

23.02.2025 12:05 👍 1 🔁 0 💬 1 📌 0